A cyclic factorial typology of Pama-Nyungan stress

Penultimate stress in monomorphemic forms is invariant (1a-c). In suffixed forms (1d-f), by contrast, stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable. These deviations from penultimate stress serve a function: by retaining stress on the antepenult, stress of the suffixed stems matches stress of the stems in isolation. In this paper I show that an analysis of accentual faithfulness using base-derivative (BD) correspondence constraints (Benua 1997) makes accurately restrictive predictions for the typology of accentual faithfulness. The paper focuses on 23 Pama-Nyungan (PN) and neighboring Australian Aboriginal languages, e.g. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972, Berry 1998), Diyari (Austin 1981, Poser 1989), and Warlpiri (Nash 1980, Berry 1998). In monomorphemic forms, the languages' stress patterns are identical. In suffixed forms, their stress patterns diverge. Following the analysis, I discuss the results of a factorial typology. The preliminary version of the typology overgenerates, predicting all attested systems as well as a number of unattested ones. Many of the unattested systems share a common core: constraints whose activity is evident in frequent forms are dominated by constraints that lack such evidence. I introduce a mechanism that precludes the possibility of these interactions. This results in accurately restrictive typological predictions. The final results of the typology are compared to Alderete's (2009) study, which explores predictions of alignment-based approaches to PN stress (e.g. Crowhurst 1994, Kager 1997). Both factorial typologies predict the full range of attested patterns, but differ in the nature of the unattested systems they predict.